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[These cases] may be inspired by accounts of other people's NDEs that have been widely disseminated in various forms of the media. That is, might a blind person have heard that people see certain things in a near-death encounter and unconsciously generated a fantasy that conformed to this belief?... [Blind NDErs might also] learn about what to expect in an afterlife from diverse sociocultural sources, and they may rely extensively on these expectations in generating a near-death fantasy.... Thus, the blind may commonly have a belief that they will suffer no visual affliction in an afterlife, and this belief may influence the content of NDEs in the blind (Irwin, "Mindsight" 112).
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[I]n the cases where NDEs with classic features such as tunnels and lights are reported, we might wish to question where NDErs actually derive their cultural-linguistic NDE pattern from.... For it is clear that such experiences, complete with recurring motifs such as traversing a period of darkness towards a light, do not represent part of any of the religious traditions of the West (Fox 117).
For instance, like Indian NDErs, Thai NDErs are far more likely to encounter religious figures than deceased friends and relatives: in 9 out of 10 accounts Thai NDErs met Yamatoots, messengers of the god of death Yama (Murphy, "Thailand" 164). And in half of the accounts Thai NDErs reported "being told that they were the wrong person, and being ordered back to life" (175). While deceased friends and relatives sometimes encountered in Thai NDEs (in 4 of the 10 accounts), rather than greeting the NDEr (as in the West), they inform the NDEr "of the rules governing the afterlife" (175).
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Remaining out-of-body imagery is probably derived from imagination and general background knowledge. For example, Rodabough points out that childhood socialization trains us to imagine how we appear to others 'from the outside'; thus visualizing oneself from a third-person perspective comes naturally (Rodabough 108). Blackmore notes that when people are asked to imagine walking down a beach, they usually picture themselves from above, from a bird's-eye perspective (Blackmore, "Dying" 177). Carol Zaleski suggests that we should expect some NDEs to include OBEs because the most natural way to imagine experiencing one's death is to imagine looking down on one's body from above (as people typically do when asked to imagine viewing their own burials). In her lesser-known 1996 book on NDEs, , Zaleski notes:
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[O]rganic brain malfunctions generally produce clouded thinking, irritability, fear, belligerence, and idiosyncratic visions, quite unlike the exceptionally clear thinking, peacefulness, calmness, and predictable content that typifies the NDE. Visions in patients with delirium are generally of living persons, whereas those of patients with a clear sensorium are almost invariably of deceased persons [emphasis mine] (Greyson, "Near-Death" 334).
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Despite the fact that a common sign language exists in the deaf community, at times specific sign systems are developed in families having deaf child and hearing parents. In this case, signs different to the universal sign language are developed within family being informal sign system. These sign languages, developed at homes, are known as home sign language. However, whether sign language is developed at home with special symbols or a universally acceptable sign language is learnt, this language is comparatively complex and difficult compared to other languages. Yet for deaf people, with no other way of communication available, sign language is an effective way of communicating especially with other deaf people. It is, in fact, the most creative way to convey feelings, confront limitations, and living comfortably with much each in a community. This is due to the fact that people in deaf culture communicates through sign language, uses visual patterns to express their thoughts, mostly with movements of hands supported by facial expressions making it a highly expressive way of communication.
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In 1994 Ebbern and Mulligan visited Harborview to survey the sites where the NDE took place and to interview Clark. They were unable to locate "Maria" or anyone who knew her personally and suspect that she is now deceased (Ebbern, Mulligan, and Beyerstein 30). They examined each of the details of Clark's report and found the case much less impressive than it has been made out to be. First, after being hospitalized for three days, Maria would have been quite familiar with the equipment monitoring her; so her perception of the printouts during her OBE may be nothing more than "a visual memory incorporated into the hallucinatory world that is often formed by a sensory-deprived and oxygen-starved brain" (31). Second, her perception of details concerning the area surrounding the emergency room entrance were of details that "common sense would dictate"—such as the fact that the doors opened inward, accommodating paramedics rushing in patients who need immediate attention (31). Moreover, she was brought into the hospital through this very entrance—albeit at night, but the area was well-lit—and could've picked up details about it from normal sensory channels then (31-32). The fact that rushing ambulances would traverse a one-way driveway, too, is something anyone could infer from common sense. Finally, Maria's hospital room was just above the emergency room entrance for a full three days before she had her OBE, and "she could have [easily] gained some sense of the traffic flow from the sounds of the ambulances coming and going" and from nighttime "reflections of vehicle lights" even if she never left her bed (32).